Independent counsel Robert Mueller has indicted 13 Russians for waging 
information warfare against the United States by tampering with the 
American electoral process in 2016. Sadly but predictably, America’s 
commander-in-chief did not respond by rallying his country to meet the 
threat. Rather, President Donald Trump went out of his way to dodge the 
question of Russian interference, while publicly attacking the officials
 and institutions that have had the temerity to confront that issue 
head-on.
Observers from both sides of the political spectrum, appropriately, 
deplored Trump’s abdication of his duty to defend the nation. Yet this 
episode also has a broader significance: It gives the lie to the idea 
that the U.S. can have a constructive foreign policy while a profoundly 
destructive individual is president.
This idea has commanded a respectable following since Trump took office.
 The fact that Trump appointed mostly mainstream figures to key 
positions, and that his “America first” agenda has been considerably 
watered down in practice, has led a number of Republican policy hands to
 argue that the administration’s actions have been broadly praiseworthy 
even if the president’s rhetoric has not. Elliott Abrams, who worked for
 Presidents Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush, has argued that Trump has 
adopted a “fairly familiar Republican approach to foreign policy.” 
Matthew Kroenig, who advised the Mitt Romney and Marco Rubio 
presidential campaigns, contends that the administration has “the right 
people” and “the right positions.”
As I point out in my new book, “American Grand Strategy in the Age of 
Trump,” these arguments are not entirely wrong. Despite his campaign 
promises, Trump has not (yet) launched an all-out trade war with China, 
torn up U.S. alliances, or quit the North American Free Trade Agreement 
and the World Trade Organization. In these and other cases, his advisers
 have persuaded him to take a more moderate course.
Even with respect to Russia, a similar pattern has prevailed. Trump 
continues to talk up the dangerous fantasy of a rapprochement with 
Putin, yet his administration has increased funding for forward defense 
in Eastern Europe, resolved to provide lethal weaponry to Ukraine, and 
pursued other policies that Russia hawks should welcome.
It is thus true that there are pockets of normality in U.S. policy, even
 in the age of Trump. What this most recent manifestation of Trump’s 
bizarre stance toward Russia demonstrates, though, is that there is only
 so much containing, circumventing and moderating of a president who 
refuses to take his duties seriously.
It is important to stipulate here that we don’t know precisely why Trump
 is so reflexively dismissive of the mountains of concrete evidence 
documenting a deliberate Russian campaign to suborn American democracy. 
It could be that Moscow possess some compromising information on him or 
his prior business dealings. It could be that he genuinely believes he 
is a diplomatic genius who can strike a grand bargain with Russian 
President Vladimir Putin. It could be that Trump perceives any 
discussion of Russian electoral interference as an assault on his 
presidential legitimacy, and that he is simply too narcissistic to 
separate that issue from the broader national wellbeing.
Whatever the answer, Trump’s refusal to personally take on the 
information-warfare threat from the Kremlin is crippling U.S. policy in 
several ways.
First, it is discouraging concrete — and badly needed — responses to the
 threat. If, as seems likely, there are covert efforts that the 
intelligence community might undertake either to strengthen U.S. 
defenses or retaliate against Russian attacks, they would likely require
 additional legal authorities or presidential findings — neither of 
which this president is likely to support.
In the same vein, European officials have privately advocated greater 
trans-Atlantic cooperation to address the common danger posed by Russian
 meddling, but Trump’s indifference to that danger has limited the 
possibilities for such collaboration. Within the U.S. government, too, 
Trump’s attitude is raising the political costs and risks for advisers 
who seek to counter Russian measures. It is hardly surprising, then, 
that the Department of Homeland Security and other government agencies 
have made so little progress in hardening American defenses, even as 
intelligence officials have warned in increasingly dire tones that the 
Russians will seek to re-run the 2016 playbook in 2018. In the American 
system, decisive action generally requires presidential buy-in, and that
 has been sorely lacking.
Second, Trump is making it impossible for the U.S. to issue clear and 
believable deterrent threats. Information warfare and cyberattacks are 
inherently difficult to prevent, and so a better approach may be to go 
on the offensive, by threatening sharp retaliation through reciprocal 
cyberattacks or other measures. But such threats only work if they are 
seen to be credible, and why would anyone believe that Washington would 
inflict significant costs on Russia — and risk significant escalation of
 bilateral tensions — when Trump declines even to acknowledge that a 
threat exists?
Third, the president’s position is not just having pernicious effects 
within the executive branch; it is undercutting the broader national 
will and consensus needed to meet a grave security challenge. The genius
 of the Russian meddling in 2016 was that it avoided the normal “rally 
around the flag” effect that often occurs in the wake of a foreign 
attack. Instead, it pitted Americans against one another — Republicans 
against Democrats, state authorities against the federal government.
Another president would surely see it as his or her duty to surmount 
such divisions by issuing a broad, nonpartisan call to arms. Yet Trump 
is aggressively politicizing the issue, impugning the reputations of the
 agencies that are striving to defend U.S. democracy, and thus making it
 far less likely that the country will achieve unity in the face of 
danger.
Finally, Trump’s performance is reminding us of the critical role the 
American president plays in leading not just his own country but the 
larger “free world,” and how powerfully the absence of that leadership 
is felt at times of crisis. The liberal international order America has 
anchored for generations is facing an array of challenges from 
authoritarian, revisionist powers, namely Russia and China. Yet rather 
than placing himself at the vanguard of the international response, 
Trump is shirking that obligation. And in doing so, he is exacerbating 
the demoralization and division that is weakening the liberal West just 
as the dangers are mounting.
To borrow from former French President Jacques Chirac, the position of 
leader of the free world is indeed vacant today — no matter how hard 
Trump’s advisers labor to make it seem otherwise. 
Read more: The end of America's leaderless foreign policy | The Japan Times